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Prenatal Care a Pro-Life Ploy?

Week of February 11, 2002

 

“All we’re doing is providing care for poor mothers so their children are going to be born healthy.  How anybody can now turn this into a pro-choice or pro-life argument, I can’t understand it.” -

Tommy Thompson, Secretary, Department of Health and Human Services

 

            I’d like to believe the good secretary except I’d also have to wonder how he manages to find his way home at night.  We have come to accept a little fudging from public officials, but this is America, a place where politicians can’t say “good morning” without someone trying to read in a position on abortion. 

            Whether or not HHS’s proposal to allow states to consider fetuses children for the purpose of providing prenatal care is a pro-life ploy, we are in for a loud debate.  The outcome is pretty much certain; after a perfunctory comment period, little can prevent a final regulation from being issued.  After that it should all be over but the shouting.

Of which there will be plenty.  The State Children’s Health Insurance Program, co-funded by the federal government, provides health care for low-income children under age 19.  The proposed regulation tweaks that, permitting states to begin coverage at conception.

            No one seems to object to expanding medical coverage, though perhaps someone should in the name of fiscal responsibility, a concept almost as flexible as “choice.”  Nor will the rule impact Roe v. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court decision legalizing abortion.  However critics view the move as an incremental step toward challenging what they call abortion rights.

They may have a point.  If fetuses are endowed with rights it will be difficult to assert their interests are served by being aborted.  Even with no direct impact on abortion laws, the change can rightly be viewed as a salvo in the battle for hearts and minds.

            While abortion opponents have consistently asserted that life begins at conception, the position of abortion advocates is a moving target.  In the 1970s a fetus was said to be a “nonviable tissue mass,” not unlike a cyst.  What is independent life and when does it begin?  My children are teenagers and I’m still looking for signs, but doctors now measure heartbeat 18 days after conception and brain waves at 40.  Few doubt that earlier detection awaits only the next generation of technology. 

            Further, most states now define death as cessation of brain activity.  If the absence of brain waves means death it’s tough to argue their presence doesn’t mean life.  The debate thus shifted to “choice” and more recently “rights,” a shrewd tactic itself.  The manufacture of rights is an American cottage industry, much easier for most folks to relate to than aborting a fetus with a heartbeat or brain waves.

Many pro-choice groups support subsidized prenatal services but have danced around how a being without rights can be entitled to health care by asserting that the patient is actually the mother.  The proposed rule stops the music, reducing the dance to an uncomfortable squirm. 

Inconsistent reasoning has put abortion activists on the spot before.  Administration support of a proposal making it a federal crime to injure a fetus in an assault on the mother moved many to oppose the measure despite not liking such crimes any more than anyone else. 

In a telling remark, Planned Parenthood Federation of America president Gloria Feldt claimed two earlier administration proposals on women’s health care “equal ‘The Handmaid’s Tale,’” a reference to a novel in which sex is strictly for procreation.  So perhaps sex without consequence is what “abortion rights” really means, and maybe Secretary Thompson isn’t as confused as he claims.  In any event a little forthrightness by all would be welcome.

 

 

 

 

© 1997 – 2002 Brent Morrison

 

 

 

 
 

 

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